Citizens in a State

Sawti sent the same questions to each alternative party to better understand their current views on a transitional government.

The responses here were provided by Citizens in a State, and represent their views.

1. Is your party in favor of a transitional government with extraordinary powers? Why or why not?

Yes. It is ‘transitional’ because we are in a de-facto transition, from one kind of economy and society to another. So, any serious opposition should try, with its government proposal, to influence the transition (and hence define what we are transitioning to). We at MMFD want this government to transition us from the post-war consociational arrangement to setting the foundations of a civil state through fair and purposeful distribution of losses. The policy manifestations of this are clearly laid out in our programme for transitional government. 

Secondly, this government has to have temporary and limited executive powers to act decisively and implement much-needed measures without being slowed down or impeded by parliamentary politics. Lebanon has had over 10 governments with some degree of executive powers in its history. Even democratic states (that actually have state legitimacy) resort to governments with executive powers in times of severe crises or wars, to service and protect their people.

2. How can we get there?

We are not asking the regime for a transitional government. We, along with allies and partners, want to be running this government, have a plan as to what transition we want, and what policies we would implement the day after the formation of this government. 

To get there, we are seeking to tilt the balance of power in our favour through a combination of popular support (mainly through joining our political party) and capitalizing on the weaknesses and cleavages within the existing system through our international and external political relations. 

As the balance of power tilts to our favour, we want to impose non-violent negotiations towards the formation of the transitional government, in order to avoid forcing a parallel government that would inevitably lead to armed conflict over legitimacy between sectarian organisations and non-sectarian opposition. 

3. Practically speaking, what are such a government's immediate priorities?

Phase 1: In the first two to three weeks, the government would make a careful inventory of monies that are still available to the state and the banking system. The government would also identify the location of our gold, and how much of it is actually available. Alongside this inventory of the available assets, a number of extraordinary and highly credible ambassadors would be sent to negotiate, without naivety, with far or near countries, and international institutions that have an interest in Lebanon. Negotiations would be economic, financial, and political. We would then gather, in a clear manner, what is acceptable and available to us from abroad, in kind and financially, and under what conditions. During this period, the government, through its legislative powers, would suspend all financial contracts’ effects.

Phase 2: On the basis of the results of this inventory, there would be a transition to a second phase of three to six months. Actions would fall onto two tracks, which together translate into an equitable and just distribution of losses. Social justice is the first track. The government, through its exceptional legislative powers, would establish universal health coverage and free basic education for all its residents. This will not only ensure the cohesion of society but will also strengthen the dignity of the people and will establish the legitimacy of and need for the state. Economic justice is the second track. The government, by virtue of legislative decrees and based on the internal and external inventory and on ongoing developments, would restructure all financial and economic relations in the country; such a concern does not depend on public debt and deposits. People have commercial relations, at home and abroad, and these relations must be managed so that materials and resources are not lost and conflicts not accumulated. People pay and collect rents and depend on wages and on due funds that have not been paid to the guarantor institutions such as the National Social Security and others for years, and all at risk of being lost, same for the mandatory savings collected by professional syndicates and union funds of teachers, lawyers, medical doctors, and others. Techniques would be numerous with varied severity depending on what the inventory reveals and exposes; they would include changing legal terms, ranking of rights and risks, interest rates, returns, monetary values and currency calculations. Some of such interventions would be final, while others would be temporary or conditional.

Phase 3: After taking control of the reality of the situation and limiting the consequences of the bankruptcy, the transition to the third stage would begin. This stage would be aimed at reconstituting a cohesive society around a legitimate state, instead of a coalition of anxious sects, and a fortified economy instead of an economy of begging and lying. This is not a task for technicians, experts, or technocrats, who may be used as masks of the de facto power system that led to all the prevailing disasters. Rather, such an undertaking should stem from a historical political decision that must be fortified by the solid legitimacy of erecting a civil state: the first civil state in the Middle East.

The government would first conduct a census of all its residents to know who are the actual inhabitants of the country, their profession, employment and residence. The census would be complemented by the necessary procedures to include Lebanese emigrants. Political representation would become connected to the people’s place of residence and not to their familial or sectarianties. In addition, the census would provide the information for healthcare coverage to the actual residents, and would allow for the tax mandate to reach all the income of all the residents, whether their income is derived from within the country or from abroad.

Then, a uniform code of personal status would then be issued, by legislative decree. The census process would not categorize anyone within a sect. Rather, by virtue of the constitutionally enshrined absolute freedom of belief, after this census, anyone who has attained the legal age can choose between being a citizen with direct relations to the state or through sectarian mediation by applying to belong to one of the sects.

Finally, the government, with its legislative powers, would issue parliamentary and municipal electoral laws. Voting would be on the basis of actual residence,and each voter in the parliamentary elections would have the right to choose to be directly represented by non-sectarian candidates or to be represented by candidates belonging to sectarian systems. This voting mechanism is part of the transition to a civil state, in which, eventually, voters would not pursue sectarian representation in parliament. 

4. How long would a transitional government last? What comes after it?

18 months. It ends with municipal and parliamentary elections, which comes after the government contains the crisis and sets legitimate grounds for a civil state. This ensures fair and democratic elections, that would not be abusing the desperation of our people and the economic crisis they are facing in order to revive sectarian affiliation and protection.